ONlwSG

rùghan m. [ˈɍuː-an], 

Cf. (Lewis) /Ruː-ɑn/ (Oftedal 1956, 79); (Lewis, Harris, North Uist, Sutherland) [ru̜:ɑṉ] (Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄, s.vv. rùbhan, rùmhan); further, see below.

gen. rùghain -[æɲ], -[ɛɲ], ‘a pile of three or four peats (although the exact number may vary according to locality) put on end to dry’ is derived from ON hrúga (or hrúfa) f. ‘heap of rubble, mound, hillock’ (NO), cf. Nn. ruge ‘small dung hill’, Norw. ruve, Nn. rue ‘heap, lump, stack’ (Haugen 1984).

MacBain (1896, 1911, s.v. rùthan (‘better rùghan’)) cites ON hrúgi [sic], so also Henderson (1910, 118), who is followed by de Vries (1962, s.v. hrúga); MacLennan (1925, s.v. rùghan (also rùdhan) and rùthan) cites ON hrúga, so also Stewart (2004, 412, s.v. rùghan); Matheson (in CG VI, 121) cites ON hrúga; Oftedal (1953, 106; 1956, 79) cites ON hrúga, hrúfa and (1983) hrúgu, hrúfu acc.; and McDonald (2009, 365) considers the loan likely. Mackay (1897, 94) cites Ice. hruga [sic]; by SG rudh [sic], he may intend the otherwise unattested Gaelic reflex upon which SG rùghan seems to be based (see below).

ON ú yields SG [uː], even in Lewis where long vowels are sometimes shortened before hiatus (Oftedal 1956, 40, 68).

Mackay’s (1897, 94: Sutherland) rudh (see fn 2, above) is most probably for rùdh: his use of lengthmarks is inconsistent, and Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄ lists rùbhan for West Sutherland. Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄ lists a number of forms in short u, but these would seem to be in error: rubhan beside rùbhan is given for South Uist, and rudhan besides rùdhan is given for North Uist. For Skye, the same source lists rudhan mona (leg. rùdhan mòna, with the genitive of SG mòine ‘peat’), an open compound in which rùdhan as generic is conceivably only half- or weakly stressed.

For ON g [ɣ] or f [v] yielding SG hiatus, cf. ON *Smuga ‘(the) cleft’ > SG Smudha *[ˈs̪mũ-ə] NC419675 (Eng. Smoo) (Cox 2022, 891–92), 

An alternative development is SG [ɣ], e.g. ON stig acc. > SG stiogha [ˈʃtʲiɣə] ‘path on a slope’, s.v.

and ON klofa obl. > SG clobha [ˈkʰɫ̪ o-ə] ‘tongs’, s.v.

An alternative development is SG [v], e.g. ON *Grafir ‘(the) hollows’ > SG Grabhair [ˈɡ̊ɾavəɾʲ] (Cox ibid., 753–54).

In this word, hiatus is found represented by bh, 

Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄.

dh, 

HSS 1828; Dwelly 1911; MacLennan 1925; Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄; and AFB^˄.

gh, 

MacBain 1896; 1911; Henderson 1910, 118; Dwelly 1911; MacLennan 1925; Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄; and Wentworth 2003, s.v. peat.

mh 

Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄.

and th.

MacBain 1896; 1911; Henderson 1910, 118; Dwelly 1911; and MacLennan 1925.

Forms in mh indicate a nasalised stressed vowel, the variation [uː] ~ [ũː] being restricted to Lewis and Harris.

For Harris: Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄, s.v. rùmhan: [rũ̜:ɑṉ]; for Lewis: ibid., s.v. rùmhan, and cf. a’ rùmhadh [see below]: ‘the ù is nasal’.

In one instance (Raasay), hiatus is replaced by a fricative [ɣ] (Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄, s.v. rùdhan: [ru:ɣɑṉ]). Here, usual vocalisation of the fricative after ù may have been prevented locally by the following non-schwa vowel (Ó Maolalaigh 2006a, especially 47–48; cf. for example SGDS Item 427 fiodhan). ON hrúga (hrúfa), then, could be expected to yield SG *rùgha *[ˈɍuː-ə] in the first instance, which in turn, with the addition of the nominally diminutive suffix -an, yields rùghan [ˈɍuː-an].

Derivatives: the verb SG rùgh ‘to construct rùghans’ (MacLennan 1925) and the verbal noun rùghadh (Oftedal 1953, 106; 1956, 79: /Ruː-əɣ/, Lewis; Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄; 

S.vv. rùbhadh [ru̜:əɣ] (Lewis), [ru̜:əɡ] (West Sutherland), rùdhadh (Lewis, Harris, Scalpay, Taransay, North Uist and Kintyre), rùghadh (Lewis) and rùmhadh (Lewis, also under a’ rùmhadh ‘the ù is nasal’). Instances of rudhadh (Lewis, North Uist, Gairloch and Inverness-shire) and one instance of ruthadh (Harris), with u rather than ù, are probably in error (cf. fn 3, above).

and Wentworth 2003: [ˈRuː.uk], Gairloch), if they do not go back to SG *rùgha, are conceivably derivatives of rùghan. Further, SG athrughadh 

With the prefix ath- ‘re-’, with forward stress and shortening of the original long vowel; spelt variously ath-rubhadh (Lewis), ath-rùdhadh (Lewis, Harris), ath-rudhadh (Lewis, Harris, North Uist), ath-rughadh, ath rùmhadh, ath-rumhadh, ath-ruthadh (Lewis) (Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄). Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄’s listing ath arrachadh for North Uist is explained as ath-rughadh (i.e. athrughadh), but if authentic ath arrachadh appears to be a reduplicated form: ath- + rùghadh > athrughadh ?*[ˈaɾa(h)əɣ] > arrachadh ?*[ˈaɾaxəɣ] > (reduplicated) ath arrachadh.

refers to the construction of larger stacks (athrughan sing.

Again, with the prefix ath- ‘re-’, along with forward stress and shortening of the original long vowel; spelt variously ath rùdhan, ath-rughadh, ath-rumhadh (Lewis) (Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄). The pronunciation of Faclan bhon t-Sluagh^˄’s listing ath-rughan is given as ar’abhan. The significance of the inverted comma (’) is unclear; it may indicate secondary stress or a following clear vowel ([aɾa]-). Given the spelling gh, the notation bh is problematic, but taken at face value it may indicate [v] (or [β]) and may arise from (ath- +) rùmhan, with [ũː] (Ó Maolalaigh 2013, 207–09).

) from a number of smaller ones (rùghan sing.).

Cf. athstoradh and athstorag, s.v. stòrag.